The Aleppo tale of death from two fronts

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By: Tarik Al-Diery

Image result for East AleppoMan carries young child out of rubble in East Aleppo after Syrian regime bombardment. Photo taken from The Daily Star.

In George R.R. Martin’s Game of Thrones, we see a story unfold of an endless power struggle by multiple factions fighting for the ultimate prize of winning the throne of the seven kingdoms. Along the way, the reader observes the extent that different parties are prepared to undertake to achieve the end goal. When describing his former colleague and associate Lord Baelish, Varys states “he would see this country burn if he could be king of the ashes.”

Syria’s fascist dictator Bashar Al-Assad is Lord Baelish, and one can only question if George R.R. Martin saw into the future before creating this fictional character. As we approach six years from the start of the Syrian uprising, one cannot help but find parallels between popular Game of Thrones characters and the Syrian ruler.

An Arab spring that blossomed with hopes of democracy, equality, and justice for all in 2011 has been blown a heavy loss due to a long dreaded winter by fascist forces conspiring to prevent any hope for modernization and progression.

After enduring a four year brutal siege, Syria’s largest city Aleppo has been retaken by Assad forces and its Shia sectarian allies from Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, and Afghanistan, along with aerial backing from Russia. The ancient city that once fought off and defeated every invader, could no longer stand against the most brutal and barbaric regime of its age. Aleppo’s beauty, history, and wisdom were sucked from its soul by a tyrannical leader adamant on ruling over a city of ashes.

Aleppo has been besieged on two fronts. The first came from Assad and his sectarian radical Shia allies. Contrary to what the Syrian regime will admit, the Syrian army has long been shattered and diminished of its resources and manpower. Poor and often uneducated Shia youth from Lebanon, Iraq, and Afghanistan, under the command of Iranian leadership, waged an ethnic cleansing war on behalf of the Syrian government against the Syrian people. Despite the influx of thousands of mercenaries, that alone was not enough to secure victory, and by September 2015, Russian interference was vital in order to prevent the collapse of the Syrian regime.

The second element of the siege came from the international community and the West. The United States and its allies damaged the hopes and aspirations of Syrians far more than the Assad regime and its allies. The Obama administration, indecisive and contradictory with its plans, allowed for the Assad regime to grow bolder and more ambitious as the war prolonged. Obama’s red line warnings with regards to the use of chemical weapons proved to be nothing more than empty threats.

The Obama administration handed Assad a gift far greater than Putin’s own interference: the prevention of forming no-fly-zones over Syria and the arming of the rebel Free Syrian Army. The United States’ reckless and irresponsible foreign policy is a detrimental factor in the loss of over 500,000 Syrian lives, and the forced displacement of half the Syrian population, all of which could have been avoided.

The United States has focused its attention to fighting ISIS, a radical group that has been a blessing in disguise for the Syrian regime, as it could finally justify its crimes against the Syrian people through its supposed fight against terrorism. The US has thrown its full weight behind the Syrian-Kurdish YPG forces, a branch of the Turkish PKK terrorist organization. Ironically, the same Kurdish groups that the Obama administration has funded, participated alongside Assad forces and Shia militias in carving up Eastern Aleppo. The US finds itself in an awkward position, directly and indirectly, on the same side as fascist forces.

Western-leftists, often priding themselves on standing against injustice, corruption, and imperialism, often found themselves split amongst each other with the war in Syria. Many justified the crimes and atrocities of the Assad regime, and turned a blind eye to Russian and Iranian imperialism. For many Western-leftists, the idea of associating anyone other than the United States with imperialism failed to fit their narrative. The war in Syria exposed the hypocrisy and double-standards of many supposed leftist intellectuals.

The world abandoned the cause of the Syrian people. In ignoring the plight for reform and democracy, our international community has signalled to fascist regimes across the world that we will tolerate and turn a blind eye to injustice. We will appease to criminals to justify the status-quo.

What fascists fail to understand is that although Aleppo fell, victory and triumph belongs to the Syrian people for their defiance and resilience against great odds. The Syrian people have overcome much adversity through their long and proud history. Their commitment to liberate their country from hate and injustice cannot be defeated. No force on this earth, no matter how great or powerful, can defeat the will of the people and the might of a pluralistic society. Democracy in Syria will win.

Syria is a story being written. Out of the ashes of Aleppo will rise a free Syria.

The Russian bear has gone wild, and it’s time we tie him up!

By: Tarik Al-Diery

“Those who do not learn history are doomed to repeat it.” This infamous quote could never be any truer today than ever.  We are reliving the past, and the horizon on our future is an uncertain and concerning one.

Russian president Vladimir Putin strongly resembles former Soviet leader, Joseph Stalin. Since taking power in 2000, Putin has been on a mission to re-establish Russia’s status and prestige on the world stage. Through crackdowns against political opponents at home, and an ever-increasing expansionist project abroad, Putin is defying the world and attempting to see how far he can go.

The poisoning of former Russian spy Sergei Skripal and his daughter Yulia with a military-grade nerve agent in Salisbury demonstrated to the world that there are no red lines for Putin, nor is there any regard for international law. The act of poisoning a former agent is not the cause of outcry or discontent. Rather, the series of Russian violations against sovereign states, particularly our allies, is where we must make a stance. While Australia, Canada, the US, and 23 European nations have expelled 121 Russian diplomats in the past few days, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and our government have been weak and inept on the global stage.

Since the fall of the former Soviet Union, any attempts to create better ties with Russia have been short-lived at best. Time and time again, Russia has repeatedly meddled in the affairs of its neighbours, particularly nations of the former Soviet Union. The invasion of Georgia in 2008, the annexation of Crimea in 2014, and Russian presence in the ongoing war in eastern Ukraine are only but a few examples of Russian aggression in recent memory. This doesn’t include the downing of the civilian jet MH17 nor Russia’s backing of fascist regimes across the world, particularly that of Syrian president Bashar Al-Assad.

Prime Minister Ardern and the New Zealand government must recognize that the task at hand is bigger than the poisoning of a single spy. It is a matter of principle and respect. We pride ourselves on holding no one above the law. Putin and his gang of supporters have a different vision for the world. We have continuously appeased to Putin, and the results have continued to backfire on us. The Russian government has shown no interest in diplomacy or civil conduct. Putin’s actions mimic much of Stalin’s actions in the 1930s. While we are not on the path to war with Russia, we must stand strong and draw a line in the sand against Putin.

Vladimir Putin is a dead man walking, and his wars in both Syria and Ukraine are the life support that is keeping his fascist regime from crumbling. The Russian economy has stagnated and political freedom is non-existent. By creating international controversy, Putin justifies to his masses that only he can guide them through the difficult times.

Jacinda Ardern should waste no further time in expelling Russian diplomats from New Zealand. Russia needs to be made aware that New Zealand will not tolerate its expansionist views, nor will it sit idly by to violations in international law. Russia must be held accountable, and necessary measures should be taken to ensure that Russia abides by the law.

When the dust settles, what side of history do New Zealanders want to be seen standing on?

The calm before the storm – the Middle East is ready to burn

By: Tarik Al-Diery

When Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in a small market town in Southern Tunisia, little did the young street-vendor realize that he had also set the entire Middle East on fire with him. An act of frustration and anger would ignite the greatest uprising in contemporary Middle Eastern history. Almost seven years later, the Middle East remains on fire, but the real burning has yet to start.

While the early months of 2011 promised great hope for many of the struggling masses in the Middle East, the ‘Arab Spring’ has turned into a dark and miserable ‘Arab Winter.’ The engrained power of the deep-state, the lack of leadership amongst opposition movements, and the absence of a democratic process all proved too much for the young populations of the Middle East. Consequently, fascist regimes from Libya to Syria were quickly able to reverse any gains achieved early on.

We now find the people of the Middle East at a crossroads – stuck between autocratic fascist regimes from one end and uninspiring weak opposition movements on another end. The Arab world has no recent past to be proud of and no bright future in sight.

It is impossible for the Arabs to expect the status quo to return – far too much blood has been shed and the electric environment on the streets cannot be contained even with the most powerful police state. At the same time, a lack of direction and systematic planning will doom Arabs for generations to come.

The fire that is to engulf the people of the Middle East and truly bring about change has yet to explode. This fire can only begin once the people of the Middle East develop their own organic political, social, and cultural identity.

In a deeply polarized environment pitting old-guard loyalists against revolutionary forces, the divisions amongst Arabs becomes greater on a micro level. Between leftist, socialist, and anarchist groups on one hand and Islamist groups on another, the current environment in the Middle East has become an arena for different ideological groups to deliver blows against one another. Yet much to the dismay of the average Arab citizen, no group has been able to revolutionize or change the dynamics of the Middle East.

Arab leftists have weakened and declined throughout the years. Pro-nationalist sentiments strongly advocated by early leftists were quickly overrun by military-led regimes, often side-lining many of the elite leftist minds. Leftists in the Middle East have long struggled to gain acceptance amongst the masses. Much of their ideologies are foreign and imported – they simply do not tailor to the population of the Middle East. Often from affluent backgrounds, Arab leftists have failed to connect with the struggling fruit vendor in the Arab world, as in the case of Bouazizi. Although many built great legacies directly challenging the autocratic regimes of the Middle East, there are many in the leftist camps who have collaborated with the fascist dictatorships to eliminate their rivals, as evident in the 2013 Egyptian overthrow of President Mohammed Morsi. One can argue that at the hands of Egyptian leftists, the short-lived democratic experience died.

Arab Islamists, largely dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood, have also failed to inspire the hearts and souls of the impoverished Arab citizen. Although movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood started off as grassroots organizations deep in the Middle East and did not harbour foreign ideologies to the people of the Arab world, Islamist ideologies have failed to keep up with an ever-changing and evolving society. While Islamists have been active players in the democratic process, they have been unable to modernize effectively and connect with a young population. It is without a doubt that Islamists have been largely discriminated against in the Middle East, as their pan-Islamist ideology has often been viewed as a threat by ruling regimes at home and abroad.

For nearly one-hundred years, Arabs have been searching for an identity, yet have been let down by both leftists and Islamists. The Arab world is in dire need of reformation and a change of identity. The old ideologies that have dominated the social fabric of Middle Eastern life are destined to be a memory of the past. Young generations, in order to salvage whatever hope lies by a thread, must be ready to break away from the past and pave the foundations for the future. Despite the pessimistic outlook in the Middle East, there are strong signs of hope that positive change is imminent. Arab youth are well-educated, well-cultured, and well-enlightened with the ways of the world around them, and these are all instrumental in the fostering of a new identity.

If ever more evident than now, the autocratic regimes of the Middle East can and will never regain a foothold again in Middle Eastern society. Syria is a prime example of this where 7 years of brutal war has left Bashar Al-Assad’s regime on life support from Russian and Iranian backing. Nevertheless, the current alternatives in the Middle East are neither acceptable nor viable options for the long-term development of these young societies. Fascist regimes in the Arab world must fall – but the rise of strong democracies is the far bigger challenge that awaits the next generation of Arabs.

In Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth, the author sends a resonating message to the youth of young nations in his infamous quote “each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it.” The youth of the Arab world are presented with one of the biggest challenges the Middle East has seen in centuries. Unless they are ready to break away from the chains of the past, destroy the old identities, and rediscover themselves, they will be forever forgotten in the back pages of the history books. The fire that started in Tunisia has one of two fates: burn out in the dark cold night, or explode into a new birth of life. There will be no middle ground for the Arab world.

The calm before the storm – the Middle East is ready to burn

By: Tarik Al-Diery

When Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in a small market town in Southern Tunisia, little did the young street-vendor realize that he had also set the entire Middle East on fire with him. An act of frustration and anger would ignite the greatest uprising in contemporary Middle Eastern history. Almost seven years later, the Middle East remains on fire, but the real burning has yet to start.

While the early months of 2011 promised great hope for many of the struggling masses in the Middle East, the ‘Arab Spring’ has turned into a dark and miserable ‘Arab Winter.’ The engrained power of the deep-state, the lack of leadership amongst opposition movements, and the absence of a democratic process all proved too much for the young populations of the Middle East. Consequently, fascist regimes from Libya to Syria were quickly able to reverse any gains achieved early on.

We now find the people of the Middle East at a crossroads – stuck between autocratic fascist regimes from one end and uninspiring weak opposition movements on another end. The Arab world has no recent past to be proud of and no bright future in sight.

It is impossible for the Arabs to expect the status quo to return – far too much blood has been shed and the electric environment on the streets cannot be contained even with the most powerful police state. At the same time, a lack of direction and systematic planning will doom Arabs for generations to come.

The fire that is to engulf the people of the Middle East and truly bring about change has yet to explode. This fire can only begin once the people of the Middle East develop their own organic political, social, and cultural identity.

In a deeply polarized environment pitting old-guard loyalists against revolutionary forces, the divisions amongst Arabs becomes greater on a micro level. Between leftist, socialist, and anarchist groups on one hand and Islamist groups on another, the current environment in the Middle East has become an arena for different ideological groups to deliver blows against one another. Yet much to the dismay of the average Arab citizen, no group has been able to revolutionize or change the dynamics of the Middle East.

Arab leftists have weakened and declined throughout the years. Pro-nationalist sentiments strongly advocated by early leftists were quickly overrun by military-led regimes, often side-lining many of the elite leftist minds. Leftists in the Middle East have long struggled to gain acceptance amongst the masses. Much of their ideologies are foreign and imported – they simply do not tailor to the population of the Middle East. Often from affluent backgrounds, Arab leftists have failed to connect with the struggling fruit vendor in the Arab world, as in the case of Bouazizi. Although many built great legacies directly challenging the autocratic regimes of the Middle East, there are many in the leftist camps who have collaborated with the fascist dictatorships to eliminate their rivals, as evident in the 2013 Egyptian overthrow of President Mohammed Morsi. One can argue that at the hands of Egyptian leftists, the short-lived democratic experience died.

Arab Islamists, largely dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood, have also failed to inspire the hearts and souls of the impoverished Arab citizen. Although movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood started off as grassroots organizations deep in the Middle East and did not harbour foreign ideologies to the people of the Arab world, Islamist ideologies have failed to keep up with an ever-changing and evolving society. While Islamists have been active players in the democratic process, they have been unable to modernize effectively and connect with a young population. It is without a doubt that Islamists have been largely discriminated against in the Middle East, as their pan-Islamist ideology has often been viewed as a threat by ruling regimes at home and abroad.

For nearly one-hundred years, Arabs have been searching for an identity, yet have been let down by both leftists and Islamists. The Arab world is in dire need of reformation and a change of identity. The old ideologies that have dominated the social fabric of Middle Eastern life are destined to be a memory of the past. Young generations, in order to salvage whatever hope lies by a thread, must be ready to break away from the past and pave the foundations for the future. Despite the pessimistic outlook in the Middle East, there are strong signs of hope that positive change is imminent. Arab youth are well-educated, well-cultured, and well-enlightened with the ways of the world around them, and these are all instrumental in the fostering of a new identity.

If ever more evident than now, the autocratic regimes of the Middle East can and will never regain a foothold again in Middle Eastern society. Syria is a prime example of this where 7 years of brutal war has left Bashar Al-Assad’s regime on life support from Russian and Iranian backing. Nevertheless, the current alternatives in the Middle East are neither acceptable nor viable options for the long-term development of these young societies. Fascist regimes in the Arab world must fall – but the rise of strong democracies is the far bigger challenge that awaits the next generation of Arabs.

In Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth, the author sends a resonating message to the youth of young nations in his infamous quote “each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it.” The youth of the Arab world are presented with one of the biggest challenges the Middle East has seen in centuries. Unless they are ready to break away from the chains of the past, destroy the old identities, and rediscover themselves, they will be forever forgotten in the back pages of the history books. The fire that started in Tunisia has one of two fates: burn out in the dark cold night, or explode into a new birth of life. There will be no middle ground for the Arab world.

Islam and Democracy in Syria: compatible or polar opposites?

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By: Tarik Al-Diery

Great states have come and gone. Ideologies are never engraved in stone and everything that reaches its peak eventually crashes down. Governing political systems are constantly changing and never survive the wear and tear of time. Nevertheless, democracy and Islam have not only lived through the ages, but are currently experiencing a revival unprecedented in world history.

For 1300 years, Shariah law, or the Islamic form of governance, was the rule of the land. In the late 19th century, the Ottoman Empire transitioned to a secular system as it deemed it more progressive and modern. The Ottoman Empire collapsed at the end of World War I and by 1924, the Caliphate was officially abolished. After experiencing a few years under Western colonial rule, the newly independent Arab states had to search for an identity. Seeking to follow the advanced model being practiced in Europe, they embraced secularism. After decades of corruption, repression, dictatorships, instability, and the catastrophic defeat of the 1967 war against Israel, many Arabs began to question whether their deviation away from religion was the answer. By the early 1970s, Islamic revivalism was on the rise, and it has not stopped since.

What started off as a popular revolution in Syria quickly took on an Islamic tone. Many perceive that dictatorships and corruption are the by-products of secular regimes, and that the re-emergence of the caliphate and Shariah law will alleviate these issues. In a rich and diverse country like Syria, ideologies will never be homogeneous. Some demand a pure secular state where religion plays no role in government while others insist that a return to God’s laws is the only way to secure a successful state. So, are Islam and secular democracy compatible with each other or will they be polar opposites that will repel one another?

The Syrian public’s attachment to Islam takes on multiple factors. Islam in its essence is a revolutionary religion. It was radical in every sense of the meaning and challenged the social norms of the time when first introduced in Arabia. Freedom, liberty, and justice are the foundations of the religion and it is for these reasons that many people are drawn to it and have made it their source of identity.

Opponents and critics of Shariah will argue that Islamic law is incapable of being executed in this modern age as Islam has failed to catch up with the demands of the present. Defendants of Shariah will claim that secularism is a western-imposed ideology that does not define the Arab people. This narrow scope of outlook fails to bring in all the elements that represent Syrian society. A democratic Islamic state reaches the balance that is missing.

Liberals must fathom that Syria will never again witness pure state secularism of the 60s. Islam is a backbone of Syrian society. Furthermore, extreme proponents of Shariah cannot expect a 7th century like Caliphate. Shariah is open to interpretation and modification. Democracy is as much a part of present day society as Islam is. In addition, Shariah’s principles call for independence and freedom. Democracy and Shariah are not polar opposites that cannot survive together. Rather, they are one and the same when both are properly implemented.

A future Syria must look for a way to balance both the cornerstones of democracy and an Islamic identity.  Neither side can override the aspirations of the other. Syria can attain this if it works towards a middle ground. A nation must be built in which the voice of the people is supreme. Elected officials from the heart of the people have to be the backbone of government. Parliament is to deal with all matters involving civil law, finance, foreign policies, and domestic affairs. A Prime Minister is chosen by parliament to lead the nation. Where the state takes in its Islamic component is in the judicial branch. Independent religious institutions separate from government and the state should appoint scholars who are also trained in civil law to serve as the Supreme Court judges. Scholars would be entrusted as ‘guardians of the faith.’ Shariah is the ultimate law of the land and anything that steps out of its boundaries or contradicts it is to be blocked. The role of this judicial branch is to overlook the laws passed by parliament and the head of state and to ensure that they remain within the appropriate lines of religion.

When religion is used in power, it can and does become corrupted. Separation of church and state should be in a manner where religious institution cannot dictate the decision making of the government in matters not concerning religious issues. Moreover, if parliament or the head of state were the ones to appoint these scholars to judicial posts, they can easily be swayed and manipulated. This does not create the independence or separation of branches that a strong functioning state needs. Judges have to be completely independent of the state and act in their best judgement. Checks and balances will keep government in line and certify that true and effective democracy is practiced at its height.

It cannot be emphasized enough that the Arab citizen does not look to live in a Taliban-like system. Justice is what people yearn for. The Islamic Caliphate succeeded because of the balance that existed between the Caliph and the scholars. In the past 70 years, the Arab world was a one man show. Nevertheless, Syria did enjoy secular democracy in the 1950s despite the instability and numerous coups. This indicates that secularism has succeeded for a short period contrary to what many people illustrate it to be.

Islam is a religion of enlightenment and progression. It is a religion of free-will and independence. It never forces anything on anyone and maintains that every individual is responsible for his/her own. The ideology promoted by radical groups does not represent what true democratic Islam is nor does it embody what the sophisticated Syrian public believes in. Where secular democracy lacks, Islam makes up for.

In Franz Fanon’s masterpiece, The Wretched of the Earth, he offers valuable advice to new independent nations. In his conclusion he states, “If we want to turn Africa into a new Europe, and America into a new Europe, then let us leave the destiny of our countries to Europeans. They will know to do it better than the most gifted of us. But if we want humanity to advance a step further, if we want to bring it up to a different level than that which Europe has shown, then we must invent and we must make discoveries.” What path the Syrian public chooses to take will solely be their decision, but after fighting for the right to question and challenge, Syrians should explore all options and not settle for just anything.

Twitter: @AlCazanova